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At the end of the nineteenth century, a rising interest in Native American customs and an increasing desire to understand Native American culture prompted ethnolo- gists to begin recording the life stories of Native American. Ethnologists had a distinct reason for wanting to hear the stories: they were after linguistic or anthropo-logical data that would supplement their own field observations, and they believed that the personal stories, even of a single individual, could increase their understanding of the cultures that they had been observing from without. In addition many ethnologists at the turn of the century believed that Native Amer-ican manners and customs were rapidly disappearing,and that it was important to preserve for posterity as much information as could be adequately recorded before the cultures disappeared forever. There were, however, arguments against this method as a way of acquiring accurate and complete informa-tion. Franz Boas, for example, described autobiographies as being of limited value, and useful chiefly for the study of the perversion of truth by memory, whilePaul Radin contended that investigators rarely spent enough time with the tribes they were observing, and inevitably derived results too tinged by the investigators own emotional tone to be reliable. Even more importantly, as these life stories moved from the traditional oral mode to recorded written form, much was inevitably lost. Editors often decided what elements were significant to the field research on a given tribe. Native Americans recognized that the essence of their lives could not be communicated in English and that events that they thought significant were often deemed unimportant by their interviewers.Indeed, the very act of telling their stories could force Native American narrators to distort their cultures, astaboos had to be broken to speak the names of deadrelatives crucial to their family stories. | 
